The news from India on Benazir's death! by Miriam @ MCM Dec 28,2007.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Security has been beefed up in Delhi. The Prime Minister called an emergency meeting to discuss the issue. The borders are being monitored, and the bus service between Delhi & Lahore has been suspended for security reasons. The ordinary man is shocked at Benazir's untimely death. Such a tragic waste of a life. She was a very promising leader. Her last speech was absolutely fiery. We heard it on TV. She put all the energy of her lifetime into her last speech. Amazing lady, who could have yet made a great impact on the world, if not for her sad death. The BBC website gave her a fitting tribute. Very good coverage of her life. Even the Malayala Manorama put up a good show, devoting front and centre pages to Benazir's life.
Statement by the President on the Death of Benazir Bhutto
Contact: White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 202-456-2580
CRAWFORD, Texas, Dec. 27 /Christian Newswire/ -- the following is the statement by the President:
Prairie Chapel Ranch
9:55 A.M. CST
THE PRESIDENT: Laura and I extend our deepest condolences to the family of Benazir Bhutto, to her friends, to her supporters. We send our condolences to the families of the others who were killed in today's violence. And we send our condolences to all the people of Pakistan on this tragic occasion.
The United States strongly condemns this cowardly act by murderous extremists who are trying to undermine Pakistan's democracy. Those who committed this crime must be brought to justice. Mrs. Bhutto served her nation twice as Prime Minister and she knew that her return to Pakistan earlier this year put her life at risk. Yet she refused to allow assassins to dictate the course of her country.
We stand with the people of Pakistan in their struggle against the forces of terror and extremism. We urge them to honor Benazir Bhutto's memory by continuing with the democratic process for which she so bravely gave her life.
END 9:57 A.M. CST
Friday, 28 December 2007
Waves of migrants increase pressure on Greece By Caroline Brothers Thursday, December 27, 2007 c/o IHT
Waves of migrants increase pressure on Greece
By Caroline Brothers
Thursday, December 27, 2007
KIPI, Greece: Nowhere is the pressure on the European Union's borders mounting as insistently as in this northernmost corner of the Aegean Sea across the river from Turkey.
With the help of smugglers, dozens of migrants breach this frontier daily on foot, in plastic boats, by swimming, or crouched inside empty oil tankers or secret compartments of trucks.
In its zeal to secure the border, Greece is being accused of serious lapses in human rights and ignoring treaty pledges that bind it to give haven to refugees claiming protection - rights established under international conventions.
"There are serious problems with the asylum system in Greece," said William Spindler, a spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva. "It doesn't meet European or international standards."
Would-be immigrants - Iraqis, Palestinians, Afghanis and others - are arriving here in numbers bigger than ever before. Their ranks are swollen by a "huge and very sudden influx" that began in September, according to Pangiotis Papadimitriou, the border monitoring officer for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
Waiting for the new arrivals are the police. Refugees' lawyers say many migrants are secretly forced back, without being given the chance to request asylum.
"It is illegal, illegal, illegal," said Evgenia Papanastasiou, a refugees' lawyer in the northern Greek city of Kavala who has 19 years of experience in criminal law.
In October, two private groups, Pro Asyl, based in Germany, and the Group of Lawyers for the Rights of Refugees and Migrants, based in Athens, made a similar accusation, adding in a joint report that the Greek Coast Guard was pushing back migrants' boats at sea.
The police and the coast guard vehemently deny the allegations and say that those who require asylum can request it. Under Greek law, it is a crime for public servants to expel forcibly any person needing international protection.
The land border between Greece and Turkey, two historically antagonistic nations, extends for 182 kilometers, or 114 miles, tracking the Evros River, which the Turks call the Meric, down to the Aegean Sea.
For 11 kilometers, where the river temporarily parts with the frontier, the soil is studded with land mines - a legacy of old enmity. That does not deter migrants, who travel from as far away as Myanmar and Bangladesh and whose bodies are occasionally found in the minefields.
"You see wars, disasters and so on, on television, and six months later they are here," said a jaded Evros border guard who asked for anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the news media.
Tens of thousands of migrants try to cross the EU borders every year. But while the numbers of arrivals have plunged in the Canary Islands this year and stabilized in Malta and the Italian island of Lampedusa, along the Greek-Turkish border they are on the rise.
In the district guarding the southern half of the Evros border with Turkey, the border police headquartered in Alexandroupolis arrested more than 15,000 migrants in 2006, and 13,869 through Oct. 30 this year, about four times as many as in 2005, when 3,706 were arrested.
Common among Greek officials is a sense that faraway Brussels requires them to be gatekeepers for the whole of the European Union, without having to deal with the stresses or offering much support.
"This is the EU border, and our job is to help the rest of the countries that are behind," Anestis Argyriadis, chief of the border police in Alexandroupolis, said in an interview this month. "The problem we face as Greek police is the problem of the entire EU."
The influx of displaced civilians is putting Greece's humanitarian resolve to the test. In many ways the nation is ill-equipped to handle the challenge. Its coastline is dotted with thousands of islands that are impossible to patrol, while its asylum procedures are rudimentary.
Emmanuel Karlas, prefect of the border island of Samos, says the European Union could start by urging Turkey, a prospective member, to improve its border controls.
"The EU stands far from here and watches with its binoculars and doesn't find a solution," he said. "This is not the problem of Greece, Italy or Spain; it is a problem for all of the EU."
Complicating matters, the Greek police cannot work with their Turkish counterparts to address border issues because the army, not the police, has jurisdiction on the Turkish side.
Still, under an agreement reached with Ankara in 2001, Athens is entitled to send undocumented migrants with no refugee claim back to Turkey; the narrow bridge across the Evros at Kipi is the only place in the whole country where this is authorized.
According to official figures, Athens requested readmission for 2,250 such people of various nationalities in 2006, and Turkey agreed to accept 456. Delays meant that in the end, only 127 were actually sent across.
Meanwhile, migrant numbers continue to rise. This year through November, 10,961 of them rowed inflatable dinghies to the three Greek islands closest to Turkey in the Northern Aegean; for the whole of 2006, the total was 4,024, Interior Ministry data show.
Greece sees the matter primarily as a security concern.
"The job of the police, the foremost goal, is to safeguard our border so migrants don't enter illegally, and as a consequence, to arrest them," Argyriadis said.
Undocumented migrants are held in administrative detention for three months. Members of the European Parliament who visited one such center on Samos in June described its conditions as deplorable; it stayed open for another six months. The Greek Interior Ministry would not allow a reporter access to detention centers there or elsewhere.
A number of lawyers for refugees say that the Greek police and army are secretly and illegally expelling migrants, some of whom are not even registered or given the opportunity to request protection. They say that these deportations take place at night, in small plastic boats, across the Evros River.
Mariana Tzeferakou, a refugees' lawyer in Athens, said that illicit deportations along the Evros were an open secret and had been going on for a decade.
"Now we realize it is going on much more intensely," she said, adding that a large number of people coming across in this area "are prima facie refugees from Afghanistan, Iraq and Africa."
Giorgos Tsarbopoulos, the Athens-based head of the UN refugee agency for Greece, said the agency had had several reports that this was happening.
"Our indications are that people are being made to return by unofficial means in a very short period of time," he said. "Some complained that they had tried to explain their need for asylum and were not heard."
For those who do get a hearing, Greece's overall recognition rate for refugees is low, hovering for years at roughly 1 percent. That compares with 45 percent in Italy last year and 19 percent in Spain.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees examined 305 randomly selected initial decisions on asylum claims, lodged in Greece by people from Sudan, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka, and found every one of them negative.
About 3,500 Iraqis requested asylum in Greece in the first half of this year, the highest number for any industrial nation except Sweden. Yet a study comparing decisions on asylum claims in five EU countries, published by the UN refugee agency in November, found that the chance of an Iraqi refugee's receiving protection in Greece stood at zero. In Sweden, it was 75 percent.
In April, the European Commission sued Greece in the European Court of Justice over its asylum processes. Greece lost.
Spindler, the spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, said the agency did not want Greece to lose sight of the need to offer protection.
"We understand the need to police the borders and combat illegal immigration, but you have to bear in mind that sometimes people cross borders without documents for very valid reasons," he said. "You have to leave the doors open for those people."
Anthee Carassava contributed reporting from Athens.
By Caroline Brothers
Thursday, December 27, 2007
KIPI, Greece: Nowhere is the pressure on the European Union's borders mounting as insistently as in this northernmost corner of the Aegean Sea across the river from Turkey.
With the help of smugglers, dozens of migrants breach this frontier daily on foot, in plastic boats, by swimming, or crouched inside empty oil tankers or secret compartments of trucks.
In its zeal to secure the border, Greece is being accused of serious lapses in human rights and ignoring treaty pledges that bind it to give haven to refugees claiming protection - rights established under international conventions.
"There are serious problems with the asylum system in Greece," said William Spindler, a spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva. "It doesn't meet European or international standards."
Would-be immigrants - Iraqis, Palestinians, Afghanis and others - are arriving here in numbers bigger than ever before. Their ranks are swollen by a "huge and very sudden influx" that began in September, according to Pangiotis Papadimitriou, the border monitoring officer for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
Waiting for the new arrivals are the police. Refugees' lawyers say many migrants are secretly forced back, without being given the chance to request asylum.
"It is illegal, illegal, illegal," said Evgenia Papanastasiou, a refugees' lawyer in the northern Greek city of Kavala who has 19 years of experience in criminal law.
In October, two private groups, Pro Asyl, based in Germany, and the Group of Lawyers for the Rights of Refugees and Migrants, based in Athens, made a similar accusation, adding in a joint report that the Greek Coast Guard was pushing back migrants' boats at sea.
The police and the coast guard vehemently deny the allegations and say that those who require asylum can request it. Under Greek law, it is a crime for public servants to expel forcibly any person needing international protection.
The land border between Greece and Turkey, two historically antagonistic nations, extends for 182 kilometers, or 114 miles, tracking the Evros River, which the Turks call the Meric, down to the Aegean Sea.
For 11 kilometers, where the river temporarily parts with the frontier, the soil is studded with land mines - a legacy of old enmity. That does not deter migrants, who travel from as far away as Myanmar and Bangladesh and whose bodies are occasionally found in the minefields.
"You see wars, disasters and so on, on television, and six months later they are here," said a jaded Evros border guard who asked for anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the news media.
Tens of thousands of migrants try to cross the EU borders every year. But while the numbers of arrivals have plunged in the Canary Islands this year and stabilized in Malta and the Italian island of Lampedusa, along the Greek-Turkish border they are on the rise.
In the district guarding the southern half of the Evros border with Turkey, the border police headquartered in Alexandroupolis arrested more than 15,000 migrants in 2006, and 13,869 through Oct. 30 this year, about four times as many as in 2005, when 3,706 were arrested.
Common among Greek officials is a sense that faraway Brussels requires them to be gatekeepers for the whole of the European Union, without having to deal with the stresses or offering much support.
"This is the EU border, and our job is to help the rest of the countries that are behind," Anestis Argyriadis, chief of the border police in Alexandroupolis, said in an interview this month. "The problem we face as Greek police is the problem of the entire EU."
The influx of displaced civilians is putting Greece's humanitarian resolve to the test. In many ways the nation is ill-equipped to handle the challenge. Its coastline is dotted with thousands of islands that are impossible to patrol, while its asylum procedures are rudimentary.
Emmanuel Karlas, prefect of the border island of Samos, says the European Union could start by urging Turkey, a prospective member, to improve its border controls.
"The EU stands far from here and watches with its binoculars and doesn't find a solution," he said. "This is not the problem of Greece, Italy or Spain; it is a problem for all of the EU."
Complicating matters, the Greek police cannot work with their Turkish counterparts to address border issues because the army, not the police, has jurisdiction on the Turkish side.
Still, under an agreement reached with Ankara in 2001, Athens is entitled to send undocumented migrants with no refugee claim back to Turkey; the narrow bridge across the Evros at Kipi is the only place in the whole country where this is authorized.
According to official figures, Athens requested readmission for 2,250 such people of various nationalities in 2006, and Turkey agreed to accept 456. Delays meant that in the end, only 127 were actually sent across.
Meanwhile, migrant numbers continue to rise. This year through November, 10,961 of them rowed inflatable dinghies to the three Greek islands closest to Turkey in the Northern Aegean; for the whole of 2006, the total was 4,024, Interior Ministry data show.
Greece sees the matter primarily as a security concern.
"The job of the police, the foremost goal, is to safeguard our border so migrants don't enter illegally, and as a consequence, to arrest them," Argyriadis said.
Undocumented migrants are held in administrative detention for three months. Members of the European Parliament who visited one such center on Samos in June described its conditions as deplorable; it stayed open for another six months. The Greek Interior Ministry would not allow a reporter access to detention centers there or elsewhere.
A number of lawyers for refugees say that the Greek police and army are secretly and illegally expelling migrants, some of whom are not even registered or given the opportunity to request protection. They say that these deportations take place at night, in small plastic boats, across the Evros River.
Mariana Tzeferakou, a refugees' lawyer in Athens, said that illicit deportations along the Evros were an open secret and had been going on for a decade.
"Now we realize it is going on much more intensely," she said, adding that a large number of people coming across in this area "are prima facie refugees from Afghanistan, Iraq and Africa."
Giorgos Tsarbopoulos, the Athens-based head of the UN refugee agency for Greece, said the agency had had several reports that this was happening.
"Our indications are that people are being made to return by unofficial means in a very short period of time," he said. "Some complained that they had tried to explain their need for asylum and were not heard."
For those who do get a hearing, Greece's overall recognition rate for refugees is low, hovering for years at roughly 1 percent. That compares with 45 percent in Italy last year and 19 percent in Spain.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees examined 305 randomly selected initial decisions on asylum claims, lodged in Greece by people from Sudan, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka, and found every one of them negative.
About 3,500 Iraqis requested asylum in Greece in the first half of this year, the highest number for any industrial nation except Sweden. Yet a study comparing decisions on asylum claims in five EU countries, published by the UN refugee agency in November, found that the chance of an Iraqi refugee's receiving protection in Greece stood at zero. In Sweden, it was 75 percent.
In April, the European Commission sued Greece in the European Court of Justice over its asylum processes. Greece lost.
Spindler, the spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, said the agency did not want Greece to lose sight of the need to offer protection.
"We understand the need to police the borders and combat illegal immigration, but you have to bear in mind that sometimes people cross borders without documents for very valid reasons," he said. "You have to leave the doors open for those people."
Anthee Carassava contributed reporting from Athens.
Thursday, 27 December 2007
THE MIDDLE EAST: SPIRITUAL BATTLEFIELD? ©2007. The Media Line Ltd. All Rights Reserved. By Rachelle Kliger on Thursday, December 27, 2007
THE MIDDLE EAST: SPIRITUAL BATTLEFIELD?
[Egypt] Under a woolen canopy, wisps of smoke from an outdoor fireplace mix with the scent of tobacco and rose tea. Magdi, an Egyptian Copt, nimbly rolls himself a cigarette. Sitting cross-legged on the cushioned floor, he ponders out loud how it came to be that all of his peers are happily married, while he is 32, good looking, intelligent, well-off-- and yet still painfully single.
The problem, he believes, is that his Christian religion limits his options for finding a soul mate in Egypt.
“If I married a Muslim girl my mother would kill me,” he says. “If it was a Jewish girl, she wouldn’t mind so much. But a Muslim? Never.”
Magdi cannot quite explain his mother’s unyielding attitude. But her attitude is typical of the prevailing feelings in this part of the world. The antagonism between Muslims and Christians goes back a long way, and the ever-present chasm between the two communities is noticeable in every walk of life.
The enmity is not limited to Egypt. The slaying of a Christian bookstore manager in Gaza in October marked a sad milestone in the relations between Muslims and Christians in the Palestinian territories.
Rami Ayyad was stabbed and shot to death after being accused by Gaza-based Islamic groups of engaging in missionary activity.
Similar incidents occurred this year in Turkey, Afghanistan and Iraq. A group of 31 suspected Al-Qa’ida members were charged in Lebanon recently for plotting to bomb a church.
The list goes on. The Middle East is awash with religion-motivated violence.
Today, as Middle Eastern Christians dwindle in numbers and cling to their last vestiges, some are wondering whether Christians and Muslims here are engaged in a battle over the survival of the fittest.
Spiritual Warfare
Rev. Steven Khoury, head of the Calvary Baptist Ministries in Israel and the Palestinian territories, says the tension between Muslims and Christians is simmering beneath the surface. Paradoxically, he believes it will explode when the political crises in the Middle East are solved.
“Right now everybody -- Muslims and Christians -- is busy with politics,” Khoury says, tidying a pile of Arabic-language bibles at his chapel in eastern Jerusalem.
“Once the politics settle down, I believe it’s going to turn into more of a religious battle than a political battle.”
Once the politics are out of the picture, what remains will be spiritual warfare and the religious communities will be left alone to fight out their war to the bloody end, he predicts.
Not everyone agrees. “I’d resist the notion that there was a battle between the two religions,” says Prof. Gerald Hawting, a professor of Middle Eastern history at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).
From the advent of Islam there has been a religious dispute between local Christians and Muslims, but Hawting dismisses the notion that battles between the Byzantines and the Muslims in the ninth and tenth centuries, for example, were faith-based. Religion, he concedes, was often used as a propaganda tool to arouse the soldiers, but was not the main premise of the battle.
Crusades - A Quest for Earthly Gains?
And then came the crusades.
In the early crusades, Hawting says, the religious elements were very strong.
“The Europeans feel they’re engaged in a religious venture and they’re promised access to paradise if they’re killed in battle, and forgiveness for their sins,” he says.
But even in these early stages, there were other elements at play, such as economic and political gain, and the crusades gradually became more motivated by pragmatism.
“There’s a feudal system in Europe producing landless young men who haven’t much future in Europe. So sending them off to conquer land in the Middle East is a good way to keep them employed,” Hawting says.
As time progressed, European cities developed trade interests in the Middle East, and this, too, became an important motive.
Hawting does not believe the crusades is reason that Christians in the Middle East are discriminated against today.
“I think it’s convenient for some Muslims to raise that, but I don’t think the present difficulties between Christians and Muslims are to do with that. It’s to do with the reassertion of Islam and in the current situation. Local Christians are seen by some Muslims as a possible fifth column who are loyal to someone from outside.”
Wilfred Wong, a researcher with the Jubilee Campaign, says many Muslims in the Middle East have unofficially declared war on the Christians in the region, partly because of the United States and coalition forces fighting in Muslim countries.
Wong suggests that the Christians are wrongly perceived as being an extension of the Western forces, causing resentment towards them from many Muslims. The general increase in Islamic fundamentalism has also caused many Muslims in the Middle East to become more intolerant and resentful towards Christians and other non-Muslims living in their midst, he adds.
Wong says Christians are not trying to take over.
“Some Muslims are leading a crusade against the Christians, who just want to get on with their lives and stay in their ancient homeland.”
Persecution
Christians are a minority in the Middle East among a Muslim majority. Historically, in states governed by Islamic law, Jews and Christians were considered "People of the Book" and were given a special status under Muslim rule known as "Dhimmi." They had fewer legal and social rights than Muslims and were obligated to pay a tax known as jizya. But their life, property and faith were protected.
Today, rights organizations talk about severe encroachments on religious freedoms throughout the Middle East. Christians are often the first to bear the brunt.
“We’ve lived with this discrimination for 1,400 years,” says Nader Fawzy, President of the Canada-based Middle East Christians Association (MECA).
Contrary to Hawting, Fawzy believes the discrimination stems first and foremost from the religious differences.
“They cut our tongues and burned our churches,” he says. “The discrimination has nothing to do with the government more than it has to do with Islam.”
Nina Shea, director of the Center of Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute, says that while the attitude of the regimes toward Christians in the Middle East varies from country to country, generally their situation relative to many other minorities in this part of the world, is bad.
The one positive exception, Shea notes, is in the Gulf states, where religious tolerance has improved in places like Qatar and Bahrain.
But elsewhere, the pattern in which Jews were coerced into leaving Muslim countries is now repeating itself with Christians. Countries are going from a once-Christian majority to having no Christians at all.
“And it’s accelerating,” Shea says. “I think it’s a very dismal picture.”
Not everyone paints such a bleak picture regarding Christian-Muslim relations. Mitri Raheb, pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, says the main problem facing his community is not the Muslims. The one to blame for the Christians’ situation is Israel, because of its policies in the Palestinian territories, and the West.
“I think the main problem is the interference of the West here, militarily,” Raheb says.
“This interference is not letting our region enjoy any stability.”
Raheb is particularly concerned about Western efforts to recruit the Middle East’s Christian community as a tool against the Muslims.
Mohsen Haredy, an Islamic scholar and editor of the online information service, Ask About Islam, urges caution in generalizing about the suffering of Christians in the Middle East.
“Ordinary people, Muslims and Christians, live their life normally and they have good relations with each other,” he says.
“If some Christians are suffering somewhere in the Middle East, they are victims of the political agenda of some states, the same way Muslims are suffering, too.”
Conversion Attempts
Assuming the Christian claims of persecution are accurate, some Muslims say they are not entirely unprovoked. The primary grievance leveled against the Middle East’s Christians is their efforts to convert Muslims to Christianity, a practiced disdained by Islam.
Christians, on the other hand, complain of forcible conversions to Islam. In Egypt, there have been reports of Christian girls being kidnapped and coerced into becoming Muslims; or Christians who are bribed with jobs and money to change their faith.
The boom in media channels, satellite television and especially the Internet has created new ways for both faiths to reach out to potential newcomers, making the practice more difficult to counter.
Khoury does not deny encouraging people to embrace his faith.
“I believe that each Christian should do their duty and that is to preach the gospel and to speak about the life that Christ lived,” he says. “I don’t think it’s wrong at all to speak about my Savior.”
Khoury does not believe in aggressive missionizing, but the sensitivity of the issue will not push him to the shadows.
“If I keep a low profile, how effective will I be?” he asks. “If a Muslim wants to listen about my religion and my faith, I’ll be more than happy to speak with him. I don’t think it’s wrong.”
This attitude does not fare well with the Muslim community. In response to a query posted by a reader on the popular website Islam Online, a religious advisor listed instructions about how Muslims should deal with evangelizing campaigns in Islamic countries.
Muslims should learn to identify the problem and deal with it through preventative methods and educational programs, it says.
“Determine the outlets through which these missionizing messages are coming,” the site instructed. “Whether it’s through films, leaflets, magazines or other means. Do not let them through, and punish anyone who violates this with a deterring penalty.”
It also advises the more well-off Muslims to provide social support to the underprivileged and tend to their needs, so that evangelizing Christians will have no reason to reach out to the poor and take advantage of them.
“Muslims don’t want Christians to trade with their religion,” Haredy says.
Christians should not be exploiting the poverty and ill health of others in order to pull them into the religion. Calling on any belief should be based on dialogue and understanding.”
Other Muslim scholars voiced similar concerns about Christianity using the poor status of some Muslims to recruit them to the Christian faith.
Dr. Hamza Dib, a lecturer on Islamic law at Al-Quds University in eastern Jerusalem, maintains that the most disturbing element is that those targeted are often uneducated and do not have the intellectual tools to challenge the conversion attempts.
“I’m not concerned for those who know about Islamic religion. I’m afraid for those who don’t,” he says.
While religious figures on both sides claim the relationship between the Muslim and Christian communities on a daily basis is mostly cordial and even warm, the attitude of Muslims toward their co-religionists who convert to Christianity is an entirely different story.
Muslims who insist on converting to Christianity testify to horrendous difficulties in maintaining their faith.
“This is a catacomb existence for these new Christians,” says Shea. “It’s not a flowering of Christianity. There are some conversions, but it’s a hard cultivation and there’s much intolerance in these places. They have to hide their conversion.”
A case in point is Sam (The Media Line is withholding his real name out of concern for his safety). Sam, who is Middle East native, converted from Islam to Christianity nearly 20 years ago and has since made a home for himself in Europe.
“It was a long journey. I’m one of the early converts,” he says.
The problems facing converts in his home country apply to every aspect of life: including issuing an identity card, getting married, educating children, and securing an inheritance. The harassment is both bureaucratic, from the government, and physical, from friends and even family members, he says.
Sam insists that he was not encouraged by the Christian community to become a Christian because “they were scared.”
“I had a friend, a young lady from a family of strong Muslims, and her family slaughtered her because she became a Christian,” he says.
The government does not systematically kill people if they convert, but if they are killed by someone in the community, the murder will be met with impunity, he explains.
According to Islam, Muslims must not convert from their faith.
Traditionally, a Muslim man who turned his back on the religion would be executed and a woman would be imprisoned until she repented. But this penalty is only applied if these people pose a threat to Muslim society, such as propagating their new religion, says Dr. Muhammad Serag, a professor of Islamic studies at the American University in Cairo.
He explains that this severe attitude toward converts was originally adopted for political reasons -- in order to preserve the interests of the Muslim society.
“In the past it could be appreciated, understood or justified, but not in modern times.”
Conversion from Islam is still frowned upon in Muslim society.
Haredy says Muslims have no problem with people of other faiths and cites the Quranic verse “Let there be no compulsion in religion,” (Al-Baqara, 2:256) as evidence.
“If some Muslims are not practicing this, then the problem is with their understanding of Islam, not with Islam itself. Islam should not be judged by the bad practice of Muslims.”
Fawzy, like Khoury, believes there is a battle between the two religions, and does not see an end in sight under the current conditions.
“The only way to end the war is to say Christianity is in the church, Islam is in the mosque and let us live as Egyptians. We don’t need to have religion everywhere in our lives,” he says.
Many identify this perceived battle between Muslims and Christians with the clash between East and West. But while the battle has until now been limited to conventional war-like tactics, the 21st century could mark a dangerous turning point, with the weapons available today becoming both more effective and more destructive.
Dwindling Numbers
Quantifying the number of Christians in the Middle East today, compared with their numbers in the past, is a difficult, if not impossible task. Governments in the region have an interest in keeping census data quiet for political reasons, while Christians tend to inflate their numbers.
“Religious demographics are so sensitive in these places that they don’t take censuses that are meaningful, so we’re just guessing the figures,” says Nina Shea, director of the Center of Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute.
Any census of religious groups would also include ethnic minorities, so the results could upset the delicate balance of power in countries where the relative strength of one group compared to another can affect the political make-up. Lebanon is a prime example of the phenomenon.
Numerous United Nations organizations and NGOs contacted by The Media Line could not provide sufficient data to point to an accurate trend in Christian demographics in the Middle East over the past century. However, several Christian sources and academics estimated that Christians comprised between 20 and 30 percent of the population at the beginning of the Twentieth Century.
The major changes came about through civil wars, and especially in the massacre and deportation of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.
Today, with the exception of Lebanon, Christians comprise less than 10% of the populations of most Middle Eastern countries. In some states, such as Saudi Arabia, Mauritania and Somalia, there are none. (See chart below)
The reasons for the decline in the numbers of Christians vary. Some are fleeing because of discrimination from their societies or from the regime; and some are being persecuted.
The ease of travel has made it much simpler now than in the past to leave the region. Many Christians are well-educated and find that they have more opportunities in the Western world than in the Middle East.
The fact that Christians have a lower birthrate than Muslims also works against them demographically.
Conversions from Christianity to Islam, whether forced or voluntary, is another contributing factor – although not a major factor, numerically - in their dwindling numbers.
Raheb, pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, points to another disturbing aspect of this exodus. It is not just the Christians leaving the Middle East, he says. Those departing also include secular Muslims and in the case of Israel, liberal Jews.
The region, he says, is gradually losing its pluralism and leaving a disgruntled, homogeneous and more radical society behind.
The Christian population in Iraq, for example, has diminished significantly since the war in 2003, because many are fleeing from both the hardships of war and persecution.
It is estimated that Iraqi Christians account for nearly 40% of the refugees who have fled the country, a percentage several times higher than their proportion in the general Iraqi population.
According to the CIA’s World Factbook, the percentages of Christians living in countries and territories which are members of the Arab League are as follows:
1) Algeria - Less than 1%
2) Bahrain – 9%
3) Comoros – 2%
4) Djibouti – 6%
5) Egypt – 10%
6) Iraq – 3%
7) Jordan – 6%
8) Kuwait – Less than 15%
9) Lebanon – 39%
10) Libya – Less than 3%, if any (no info)
11) Mauritania – None
12) Morocco - 1.1%
13) Oman – None
14) Qatar – 8.5%
15) Saudi Arabia – None
16) Somalia – None
17) Sudan – 5%
18) Syria – 10%
19) Tunisia – 1%
20) West Bank – 8%, Gaza – 0.7%
21) United Arab Emirates – Less than 4%
22) Yemen – No info, except that there are some very small Christian communities
It is worth noting that because of a lack of hard data, many of these figures are based on estimates. In several cases, Christians in these countries say their true numbers are much higher.
©2007. The Media Line Ltd. All Rights Reserved.
By Rachelle Kliger on Thursday, December 27, 2007
[Egypt] Under a woolen canopy, wisps of smoke from an outdoor fireplace mix with the scent of tobacco and rose tea. Magdi, an Egyptian Copt, nimbly rolls himself a cigarette. Sitting cross-legged on the cushioned floor, he ponders out loud how it came to be that all of his peers are happily married, while he is 32, good looking, intelligent, well-off-- and yet still painfully single.
The problem, he believes, is that his Christian religion limits his options for finding a soul mate in Egypt.
“If I married a Muslim girl my mother would kill me,” he says. “If it was a Jewish girl, she wouldn’t mind so much. But a Muslim? Never.”
Magdi cannot quite explain his mother’s unyielding attitude. But her attitude is typical of the prevailing feelings in this part of the world. The antagonism between Muslims and Christians goes back a long way, and the ever-present chasm between the two communities is noticeable in every walk of life.
The enmity is not limited to Egypt. The slaying of a Christian bookstore manager in Gaza in October marked a sad milestone in the relations between Muslims and Christians in the Palestinian territories.
Rami Ayyad was stabbed and shot to death after being accused by Gaza-based Islamic groups of engaging in missionary activity.
Similar incidents occurred this year in Turkey, Afghanistan and Iraq. A group of 31 suspected Al-Qa’ida members were charged in Lebanon recently for plotting to bomb a church.
The list goes on. The Middle East is awash with religion-motivated violence.
Today, as Middle Eastern Christians dwindle in numbers and cling to their last vestiges, some are wondering whether Christians and Muslims here are engaged in a battle over the survival of the fittest.
Spiritual Warfare
Rev. Steven Khoury, head of the Calvary Baptist Ministries in Israel and the Palestinian territories, says the tension between Muslims and Christians is simmering beneath the surface. Paradoxically, he believes it will explode when the political crises in the Middle East are solved.
“Right now everybody -- Muslims and Christians -- is busy with politics,” Khoury says, tidying a pile of Arabic-language bibles at his chapel in eastern Jerusalem.
“Once the politics settle down, I believe it’s going to turn into more of a religious battle than a political battle.”
Once the politics are out of the picture, what remains will be spiritual warfare and the religious communities will be left alone to fight out their war to the bloody end, he predicts.
Not everyone agrees. “I’d resist the notion that there was a battle between the two religions,” says Prof. Gerald Hawting, a professor of Middle Eastern history at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).
From the advent of Islam there has been a religious dispute between local Christians and Muslims, but Hawting dismisses the notion that battles between the Byzantines and the Muslims in the ninth and tenth centuries, for example, were faith-based. Religion, he concedes, was often used as a propaganda tool to arouse the soldiers, but was not the main premise of the battle.
Crusades - A Quest for Earthly Gains?
And then came the crusades.
In the early crusades, Hawting says, the religious elements were very strong.
“The Europeans feel they’re engaged in a religious venture and they’re promised access to paradise if they’re killed in battle, and forgiveness for their sins,” he says.
But even in these early stages, there were other elements at play, such as economic and political gain, and the crusades gradually became more motivated by pragmatism.
“There’s a feudal system in Europe producing landless young men who haven’t much future in Europe. So sending them off to conquer land in the Middle East is a good way to keep them employed,” Hawting says.
As time progressed, European cities developed trade interests in the Middle East, and this, too, became an important motive.
Hawting does not believe the crusades is reason that Christians in the Middle East are discriminated against today.
“I think it’s convenient for some Muslims to raise that, but I don’t think the present difficulties between Christians and Muslims are to do with that. It’s to do with the reassertion of Islam and in the current situation. Local Christians are seen by some Muslims as a possible fifth column who are loyal to someone from outside.”
Wilfred Wong, a researcher with the Jubilee Campaign, says many Muslims in the Middle East have unofficially declared war on the Christians in the region, partly because of the United States and coalition forces fighting in Muslim countries.
Wong suggests that the Christians are wrongly perceived as being an extension of the Western forces, causing resentment towards them from many Muslims. The general increase in Islamic fundamentalism has also caused many Muslims in the Middle East to become more intolerant and resentful towards Christians and other non-Muslims living in their midst, he adds.
Wong says Christians are not trying to take over.
“Some Muslims are leading a crusade against the Christians, who just want to get on with their lives and stay in their ancient homeland.”
Persecution
Christians are a minority in the Middle East among a Muslim majority. Historically, in states governed by Islamic law, Jews and Christians were considered "People of the Book" and were given a special status under Muslim rule known as "Dhimmi." They had fewer legal and social rights than Muslims and were obligated to pay a tax known as jizya. But their life, property and faith were protected.
Today, rights organizations talk about severe encroachments on religious freedoms throughout the Middle East. Christians are often the first to bear the brunt.
“We’ve lived with this discrimination for 1,400 years,” says Nader Fawzy, President of the Canada-based Middle East Christians Association (MECA).
Contrary to Hawting, Fawzy believes the discrimination stems first and foremost from the religious differences.
“They cut our tongues and burned our churches,” he says. “The discrimination has nothing to do with the government more than it has to do with Islam.”
Nina Shea, director of the Center of Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute, says that while the attitude of the regimes toward Christians in the Middle East varies from country to country, generally their situation relative to many other minorities in this part of the world, is bad.
The one positive exception, Shea notes, is in the Gulf states, where religious tolerance has improved in places like Qatar and Bahrain.
But elsewhere, the pattern in which Jews were coerced into leaving Muslim countries is now repeating itself with Christians. Countries are going from a once-Christian majority to having no Christians at all.
“And it’s accelerating,” Shea says. “I think it’s a very dismal picture.”
Not everyone paints such a bleak picture regarding Christian-Muslim relations. Mitri Raheb, pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, says the main problem facing his community is not the Muslims. The one to blame for the Christians’ situation is Israel, because of its policies in the Palestinian territories, and the West.
“I think the main problem is the interference of the West here, militarily,” Raheb says.
“This interference is not letting our region enjoy any stability.”
Raheb is particularly concerned about Western efforts to recruit the Middle East’s Christian community as a tool against the Muslims.
Mohsen Haredy, an Islamic scholar and editor of the online information service, Ask About Islam, urges caution in generalizing about the suffering of Christians in the Middle East.
“Ordinary people, Muslims and Christians, live their life normally and they have good relations with each other,” he says.
“If some Christians are suffering somewhere in the Middle East, they are victims of the political agenda of some states, the same way Muslims are suffering, too.”
Conversion Attempts
Assuming the Christian claims of persecution are accurate, some Muslims say they are not entirely unprovoked. The primary grievance leveled against the Middle East’s Christians is their efforts to convert Muslims to Christianity, a practiced disdained by Islam.
Christians, on the other hand, complain of forcible conversions to Islam. In Egypt, there have been reports of Christian girls being kidnapped and coerced into becoming Muslims; or Christians who are bribed with jobs and money to change their faith.
The boom in media channels, satellite television and especially the Internet has created new ways for both faiths to reach out to potential newcomers, making the practice more difficult to counter.
Khoury does not deny encouraging people to embrace his faith.
“I believe that each Christian should do their duty and that is to preach the gospel and to speak about the life that Christ lived,” he says. “I don’t think it’s wrong at all to speak about my Savior.”
Khoury does not believe in aggressive missionizing, but the sensitivity of the issue will not push him to the shadows.
“If I keep a low profile, how effective will I be?” he asks. “If a Muslim wants to listen about my religion and my faith, I’ll be more than happy to speak with him. I don’t think it’s wrong.”
This attitude does not fare well with the Muslim community. In response to a query posted by a reader on the popular website Islam Online, a religious advisor listed instructions about how Muslims should deal with evangelizing campaigns in Islamic countries.
Muslims should learn to identify the problem and deal with it through preventative methods and educational programs, it says.
“Determine the outlets through which these missionizing messages are coming,” the site instructed. “Whether it’s through films, leaflets, magazines or other means. Do not let them through, and punish anyone who violates this with a deterring penalty.”
It also advises the more well-off Muslims to provide social support to the underprivileged and tend to their needs, so that evangelizing Christians will have no reason to reach out to the poor and take advantage of them.
“Muslims don’t want Christians to trade with their religion,” Haredy says.
Christians should not be exploiting the poverty and ill health of others in order to pull them into the religion. Calling on any belief should be based on dialogue and understanding.”
Other Muslim scholars voiced similar concerns about Christianity using the poor status of some Muslims to recruit them to the Christian faith.
Dr. Hamza Dib, a lecturer on Islamic law at Al-Quds University in eastern Jerusalem, maintains that the most disturbing element is that those targeted are often uneducated and do not have the intellectual tools to challenge the conversion attempts.
“I’m not concerned for those who know about Islamic religion. I’m afraid for those who don’t,” he says.
While religious figures on both sides claim the relationship between the Muslim and Christian communities on a daily basis is mostly cordial and even warm, the attitude of Muslims toward their co-religionists who convert to Christianity is an entirely different story.
Muslims who insist on converting to Christianity testify to horrendous difficulties in maintaining their faith.
“This is a catacomb existence for these new Christians,” says Shea. “It’s not a flowering of Christianity. There are some conversions, but it’s a hard cultivation and there’s much intolerance in these places. They have to hide their conversion.”
A case in point is Sam (The Media Line is withholding his real name out of concern for his safety). Sam, who is Middle East native, converted from Islam to Christianity nearly 20 years ago and has since made a home for himself in Europe.
“It was a long journey. I’m one of the early converts,” he says.
The problems facing converts in his home country apply to every aspect of life: including issuing an identity card, getting married, educating children, and securing an inheritance. The harassment is both bureaucratic, from the government, and physical, from friends and even family members, he says.
Sam insists that he was not encouraged by the Christian community to become a Christian because “they were scared.”
“I had a friend, a young lady from a family of strong Muslims, and her family slaughtered her because she became a Christian,” he says.
The government does not systematically kill people if they convert, but if they are killed by someone in the community, the murder will be met with impunity, he explains.
According to Islam, Muslims must not convert from their faith.
Traditionally, a Muslim man who turned his back on the religion would be executed and a woman would be imprisoned until she repented. But this penalty is only applied if these people pose a threat to Muslim society, such as propagating their new religion, says Dr. Muhammad Serag, a professor of Islamic studies at the American University in Cairo.
He explains that this severe attitude toward converts was originally adopted for political reasons -- in order to preserve the interests of the Muslim society.
“In the past it could be appreciated, understood or justified, but not in modern times.”
Conversion from Islam is still frowned upon in Muslim society.
Haredy says Muslims have no problem with people of other faiths and cites the Quranic verse “Let there be no compulsion in religion,” (Al-Baqara, 2:256) as evidence.
“If some Muslims are not practicing this, then the problem is with their understanding of Islam, not with Islam itself. Islam should not be judged by the bad practice of Muslims.”
Fawzy, like Khoury, believes there is a battle between the two religions, and does not see an end in sight under the current conditions.
“The only way to end the war is to say Christianity is in the church, Islam is in the mosque and let us live as Egyptians. We don’t need to have religion everywhere in our lives,” he says.
Many identify this perceived battle between Muslims and Christians with the clash between East and West. But while the battle has until now been limited to conventional war-like tactics, the 21st century could mark a dangerous turning point, with the weapons available today becoming both more effective and more destructive.
Dwindling Numbers
Quantifying the number of Christians in the Middle East today, compared with their numbers in the past, is a difficult, if not impossible task. Governments in the region have an interest in keeping census data quiet for political reasons, while Christians tend to inflate their numbers.
“Religious demographics are so sensitive in these places that they don’t take censuses that are meaningful, so we’re just guessing the figures,” says Nina Shea, director of the Center of Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute.
Any census of religious groups would also include ethnic minorities, so the results could upset the delicate balance of power in countries where the relative strength of one group compared to another can affect the political make-up. Lebanon is a prime example of the phenomenon.
Numerous United Nations organizations and NGOs contacted by The Media Line could not provide sufficient data to point to an accurate trend in Christian demographics in the Middle East over the past century. However, several Christian sources and academics estimated that Christians comprised between 20 and 30 percent of the population at the beginning of the Twentieth Century.
The major changes came about through civil wars, and especially in the massacre and deportation of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.
Today, with the exception of Lebanon, Christians comprise less than 10% of the populations of most Middle Eastern countries. In some states, such as Saudi Arabia, Mauritania and Somalia, there are none. (See chart below)
The reasons for the decline in the numbers of Christians vary. Some are fleeing because of discrimination from their societies or from the regime; and some are being persecuted.
The ease of travel has made it much simpler now than in the past to leave the region. Many Christians are well-educated and find that they have more opportunities in the Western world than in the Middle East.
The fact that Christians have a lower birthrate than Muslims also works against them demographically.
Conversions from Christianity to Islam, whether forced or voluntary, is another contributing factor – although not a major factor, numerically - in their dwindling numbers.
Raheb, pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, points to another disturbing aspect of this exodus. It is not just the Christians leaving the Middle East, he says. Those departing also include secular Muslims and in the case of Israel, liberal Jews.
The region, he says, is gradually losing its pluralism and leaving a disgruntled, homogeneous and more radical society behind.
The Christian population in Iraq, for example, has diminished significantly since the war in 2003, because many are fleeing from both the hardships of war and persecution.
It is estimated that Iraqi Christians account for nearly 40% of the refugees who have fled the country, a percentage several times higher than their proportion in the general Iraqi population.
According to the CIA’s World Factbook, the percentages of Christians living in countries and territories which are members of the Arab League are as follows:
1) Algeria - Less than 1%
2) Bahrain – 9%
3) Comoros – 2%
4) Djibouti – 6%
5) Egypt – 10%
6) Iraq – 3%
7) Jordan – 6%
8) Kuwait – Less than 15%
9) Lebanon – 39%
10) Libya – Less than 3%, if any (no info)
11) Mauritania – None
12) Morocco - 1.1%
13) Oman – None
14) Qatar – 8.5%
15) Saudi Arabia – None
16) Somalia – None
17) Sudan – 5%
18) Syria – 10%
19) Tunisia – 1%
20) West Bank – 8%, Gaza – 0.7%
21) United Arab Emirates – Less than 4%
22) Yemen – No info, except that there are some very small Christian communities
It is worth noting that because of a lack of hard data, many of these figures are based on estimates. In several cases, Christians in these countries say their true numbers are much higher.
©2007. The Media Line Ltd. All Rights Reserved.
By Rachelle Kliger on Thursday, December 27, 2007
Iranian in India encourages dialogue Somini Sengupta Thursday, December 27, 2007 c/o IHT
Iranian in India encourages dialogue
By Somini Sengupta
Thursday, December 27, 2007
NEW DELHI: Ramin Jahanbegloo, a philosopher granted bail by Tehran, sees lessons for Mideast.
"I've lived here on and off for two years, with imprisonment in between."
Ramin Jahanbegloo, an Iranian philosopher, described his Indian sojourn this way, and even as he agreed to an interview this month on the condition that he not be asked to talk about his home country, which imprisoned him last year, it kept creeping into the conversation, quite uninvited, like a gnome.
In Iran, Jahanbegloo, 50, was accused of collaborating with Americans to destabilize the state, kept in solitary confinement for four months and released on bail.
Out of jail, but with the charges still pending, he returned here to finish his latest book, "India Revisited: Conversations on Contemporary India," a collection of 27 interviews with 27 remarkable Indians that the Indian arm of Oxford University Press has just published. The book is ostensibly about Indian subjects - dance, caste, Parsee, democracy - but it inexorably engages many of the issues that vex Jahanbegloo's homeland, including tradition, pluralism, the West and freedom.
Born in Tehran, Jahanbegloo discovered India in childhood. His father was an economist, his mother a playwright. The Indian ambassador in Tehran was a guest at family dinner parties when Jahanbegloo was young, and the library in his home contained the works of Rabindranath Tagore and Jawaharlal Nehru; both had visited Iran.
Jahanbegloo said that he liked to think of himself as an Indian, without the citizenship but with what he calls an Indian's "metaphysical view of the world."
One would be hard-pressed to find a more eloquent promoter of the idea of India.
"India is a country where you find a dialogue of cultures in a very deep sense of the term," Jahanbegloo said. "I try to understand this spirit. I try to follow this spirit. Even if you find a lot of tension, riots, killings, that spirit itself brings India back."
Jahanbegloo's intellectual home in India, the Center for the Study of Developing Societies, where he has had a faculty appointment for the last two years, is also home to a number of other iconoclasts, like Ashis Nandy, a political psychologist, who likewise appears in the new book. Nandy explains where Gandhi sits in Indian consciousness. D.L. Sheth, another scholar at the center, discusses the shifting meanings of caste. Mrinal Sen, a filmmaker from Calcutta, occasionally reprimands Jahanbegloo for not properly understanding his oeuvre.
Kapila Vatsyayan, a cultural historian, offers an elegantly simple explanation of India's survival.
"India has so far demonstrated the capacity to hold together two lifelines, one an original, primal, or indigenous, almost immutable line, and the other of 'change,' " she tells Jahanbegloo. "No single unit or dimension is totally 'insular' or 'static.' "
Jahanbegloo finds this an especially trenchant lesson for Middle Eastern countries, which he says have not been able to accommodate a dialogue of cultures. Instead, he says, they have suffered either a modernization from above, as in the case of Iran under the Shah, or a virulent assertion of fundamentalism from below, as with the Taliban of Afghanistan.
"Iranians, like Arabs, have not been able to digest modernity because they did not find a way to create a permanent dialogue between the two concepts," he said. "It's either created authoritarian modernity or authoritarian traditionalism."
Jahanbegloo credits Indian thinkers for their "soft reading of modernity, not a violent reaction to it." Missing from his glowing appraisal is sufficient explanation for the violence that persists in Indian life, whether in the guise of Maoist insurgents or Hindu radicals or homegrown Islamist terrorist groups.
"This is what I think is so important to people of the Middle East, particularly Turks, Iranians and Arabs," he said. "They want to keep their own identity. They want to be proud of their past. But it's very important to open up to other cultures. Democracy is a result of this. Democracy is a government of dialogue."
Jahanbegloo studied philosophy at the Sorbonne and stayed on in France for 20 years. Among his first books were works on the 19th-century German philosophers Arthur Schopenhauer and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.
His inquiries were very much European, from the making of the modern European state to the idea of revolution. And he was very much engaged with what he called "philosophies of violence."
As Jahanbegloo recalls it now, the violence of the 1979 Iranian revolution kindled his interest in nonviolent ways of making change, though it was not until the early 1990s, when he returned home to Tehran, that his mind returned to the philosophers of nonviolence. In 1998 he wrote a book on Gandhi; in 1999 a book on nonviolence. He invited thinkers from across the world, from Richard Rorty to the writer V.S. Naipaul, to his independent institution, the Cultural Research Bureau, in Tehran. He also published a scholarly journal called Goftegu, or Dialogue.
As it happened, dialogue landed him in prison. In April 2006, while he was on his way to a conference in Belgium, he was arrested at the Tehran airport and sent to Evin Prison; he had recently returned home from Delhi for a vacation. At the time, the Iranian information minister was quoted as saying that Jahanbegloo had had "contacts with foreigners." He was released after confessing that foreign agents might have exploited his expertise.
Jahanbegloo says he told the Iranian authorities that he had attended conferences with plenty of foreigners but never with an "anti-state agenda" and never to divulge anything to foreign intelligence officials.
"There were no names I could give," he said in the interview here. "I could give only names of philosophers. There was no way I could reveal any secrets. There were no secrets."
Other scholars, including two Iranian-Americans, Haleh Esfandiari, the director of the Middle East program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, and Kian Tajbakhsh, an urban planner with ties to the Open Society Institute, were arrested in May on similarly vague accusations of plotting a foreign-sponsored "velvet revolution."
All three appeared on Iran's state-run television in July, making statements that could have been interpreted to suggest that they had tried to overthrow the Iranian government. Jahanbegloo's televised statement, recorded during his detention in 2006, included the admission that on trips outside Iran he had become acquainted with Americans and Israelis, many of whom, he said on television, were "intelligence figures."
Esfandiari and Tajbakhsh were released in September.
In prison, as a way to get his mind out of his cell, Jahanbegloo wrote as many as 2,000 aphorisms on the backs of tissue boxes. They will soon be published in Iran in a collection called "A Mind in Winter," a title that he described as "a metaphor for being alone, hibernating also."
Next he plans to return to a book he began, but did not finish, on Iran and modernity. By early next month Jahanbegloo, who also holds Canadian citizenship, will move to Toronto with his wife and daughter and join the faculty at the University of Toronto.
David Malone, the Canadian high commissioner here, credits Jahanbegloo in "India Revisited" for compelling so many Indian scholars "to speak in short, clear, largely jargon-free sentences," as he wrote in an e-mail message. "It allows the lay reader to access how thoughtful Indians (and there are so many!) struggle with notions of democracy, multiculturalism, the caste system and the situation of minorities, religious and otherwise, all important issues in India, most of which are mirrored in the West," he wrote.
For Jahanbegloo, more than 16 months after his release, the nightmares have begun to dissipate. "Breathing the Indian air brings me health, at least mental health," he said wryly. "Sometimes I get really mad at the corruption, the Delhi traffic, how people drive, honking all the time. But the absence of nervousness and psychological violence gives you a peaceful life. In many other countries, like America and Iran, people are very nervous, psychologically very nervous."
By Somini Sengupta
Thursday, December 27, 2007
NEW DELHI: Ramin Jahanbegloo, a philosopher granted bail by Tehran, sees lessons for Mideast.
"I've lived here on and off for two years, with imprisonment in between."
Ramin Jahanbegloo, an Iranian philosopher, described his Indian sojourn this way, and even as he agreed to an interview this month on the condition that he not be asked to talk about his home country, which imprisoned him last year, it kept creeping into the conversation, quite uninvited, like a gnome.
In Iran, Jahanbegloo, 50, was accused of collaborating with Americans to destabilize the state, kept in solitary confinement for four months and released on bail.
Out of jail, but with the charges still pending, he returned here to finish his latest book, "India Revisited: Conversations on Contemporary India," a collection of 27 interviews with 27 remarkable Indians that the Indian arm of Oxford University Press has just published. The book is ostensibly about Indian subjects - dance, caste, Parsee, democracy - but it inexorably engages many of the issues that vex Jahanbegloo's homeland, including tradition, pluralism, the West and freedom.
Born in Tehran, Jahanbegloo discovered India in childhood. His father was an economist, his mother a playwright. The Indian ambassador in Tehran was a guest at family dinner parties when Jahanbegloo was young, and the library in his home contained the works of Rabindranath Tagore and Jawaharlal Nehru; both had visited Iran.
Jahanbegloo said that he liked to think of himself as an Indian, without the citizenship but with what he calls an Indian's "metaphysical view of the world."
One would be hard-pressed to find a more eloquent promoter of the idea of India.
"India is a country where you find a dialogue of cultures in a very deep sense of the term," Jahanbegloo said. "I try to understand this spirit. I try to follow this spirit. Even if you find a lot of tension, riots, killings, that spirit itself brings India back."
Jahanbegloo's intellectual home in India, the Center for the Study of Developing Societies, where he has had a faculty appointment for the last two years, is also home to a number of other iconoclasts, like Ashis Nandy, a political psychologist, who likewise appears in the new book. Nandy explains where Gandhi sits in Indian consciousness. D.L. Sheth, another scholar at the center, discusses the shifting meanings of caste. Mrinal Sen, a filmmaker from Calcutta, occasionally reprimands Jahanbegloo for not properly understanding his oeuvre.
Kapila Vatsyayan, a cultural historian, offers an elegantly simple explanation of India's survival.
"India has so far demonstrated the capacity to hold together two lifelines, one an original, primal, or indigenous, almost immutable line, and the other of 'change,' " she tells Jahanbegloo. "No single unit or dimension is totally 'insular' or 'static.' "
Jahanbegloo finds this an especially trenchant lesson for Middle Eastern countries, which he says have not been able to accommodate a dialogue of cultures. Instead, he says, they have suffered either a modernization from above, as in the case of Iran under the Shah, or a virulent assertion of fundamentalism from below, as with the Taliban of Afghanistan.
"Iranians, like Arabs, have not been able to digest modernity because they did not find a way to create a permanent dialogue between the two concepts," he said. "It's either created authoritarian modernity or authoritarian traditionalism."
Jahanbegloo credits Indian thinkers for their "soft reading of modernity, not a violent reaction to it." Missing from his glowing appraisal is sufficient explanation for the violence that persists in Indian life, whether in the guise of Maoist insurgents or Hindu radicals or homegrown Islamist terrorist groups.
"This is what I think is so important to people of the Middle East, particularly Turks, Iranians and Arabs," he said. "They want to keep their own identity. They want to be proud of their past. But it's very important to open up to other cultures. Democracy is a result of this. Democracy is a government of dialogue."
Jahanbegloo studied philosophy at the Sorbonne and stayed on in France for 20 years. Among his first books were works on the 19th-century German philosophers Arthur Schopenhauer and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.
His inquiries were very much European, from the making of the modern European state to the idea of revolution. And he was very much engaged with what he called "philosophies of violence."
As Jahanbegloo recalls it now, the violence of the 1979 Iranian revolution kindled his interest in nonviolent ways of making change, though it was not until the early 1990s, when he returned home to Tehran, that his mind returned to the philosophers of nonviolence. In 1998 he wrote a book on Gandhi; in 1999 a book on nonviolence. He invited thinkers from across the world, from Richard Rorty to the writer V.S. Naipaul, to his independent institution, the Cultural Research Bureau, in Tehran. He also published a scholarly journal called Goftegu, or Dialogue.
As it happened, dialogue landed him in prison. In April 2006, while he was on his way to a conference in Belgium, he was arrested at the Tehran airport and sent to Evin Prison; he had recently returned home from Delhi for a vacation. At the time, the Iranian information minister was quoted as saying that Jahanbegloo had had "contacts with foreigners." He was released after confessing that foreign agents might have exploited his expertise.
Jahanbegloo says he told the Iranian authorities that he had attended conferences with plenty of foreigners but never with an "anti-state agenda" and never to divulge anything to foreign intelligence officials.
"There were no names I could give," he said in the interview here. "I could give only names of philosophers. There was no way I could reveal any secrets. There were no secrets."
Other scholars, including two Iranian-Americans, Haleh Esfandiari, the director of the Middle East program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, and Kian Tajbakhsh, an urban planner with ties to the Open Society Institute, were arrested in May on similarly vague accusations of plotting a foreign-sponsored "velvet revolution."
All three appeared on Iran's state-run television in July, making statements that could have been interpreted to suggest that they had tried to overthrow the Iranian government. Jahanbegloo's televised statement, recorded during his detention in 2006, included the admission that on trips outside Iran he had become acquainted with Americans and Israelis, many of whom, he said on television, were "intelligence figures."
Esfandiari and Tajbakhsh were released in September.
In prison, as a way to get his mind out of his cell, Jahanbegloo wrote as many as 2,000 aphorisms on the backs of tissue boxes. They will soon be published in Iran in a collection called "A Mind in Winter," a title that he described as "a metaphor for being alone, hibernating also."
Next he plans to return to a book he began, but did not finish, on Iran and modernity. By early next month Jahanbegloo, who also holds Canadian citizenship, will move to Toronto with his wife and daughter and join the faculty at the University of Toronto.
David Malone, the Canadian high commissioner here, credits Jahanbegloo in "India Revisited" for compelling so many Indian scholars "to speak in short, clear, largely jargon-free sentences," as he wrote in an e-mail message. "It allows the lay reader to access how thoughtful Indians (and there are so many!) struggle with notions of democracy, multiculturalism, the caste system and the situation of minorities, religious and otherwise, all important issues in India, most of which are mirrored in the West," he wrote.
For Jahanbegloo, more than 16 months after his release, the nightmares have begun to dissipate. "Breathing the Indian air brings me health, at least mental health," he said wryly. "Sometimes I get really mad at the corruption, the Delhi traffic, how people drive, honking all the time. But the absence of nervousness and psychological violence gives you a peaceful life. In many other countries, like America and Iran, people are very nervous, psychologically very nervous."
Roger Cohen: Beyond conspiracy, progress Wednesday, December 26, 2007 c/o IHT
Roger Cohen: Beyond conspiracy, progress
By Roger Cohen
Wednesday, December 26, 2007
On the outskirts of Kandahar in southern Afghanistan there's a modest junkyard of the Soviet empire. It's filled with the hulls of T-55 and T-62 tanks and the tubes of multiple rocket launchers. Some of the tanks are intact. I guess high-explosive anti-tank missiles penetrated the turrets and coated the interior of the steel shells with blood.
I drove past this memorial to imperial hubris a couple of months ago on my way to a base of the nascent U.S.-trained Afghan Army. The army needs money; it might sell those metal carcasses for scrap. Why not? The detritus of human events, and their constant ebb and flow, turn the head.
Military guys deal in worst-case scenarios. But no Soviet-era planner of the 1979 invasion could have imagined being humbled in the Hindu Kush by a bunch of Islamic holy warriors; and no American cold warrior could have imagined those CIA-funded Islamists turning on the United States and bringing down the Twin Towers in 2001.
Yet all of this happened. Just as it happened that the Soviets were once our allies and Communists from central Asia raised the hammer-and-sickle on the Reichstag as Hitler's Germany burned in 1945.
And then, almost at once, the Soviets became our enemies while the Japanese, despite Pearl Harbor, became our friends. And at last, the Soviets became Russians who were no longer enemies but rivals.
The mantle of enemy passed with the Cold War's end. It went to purveyors of another totalitarianism, haters of modernity, atavistic murderers of unbelievers (and their own), fanatics for whom free will and sexuality are so intolerable that a savage God must be raised up to suppress them in jihad's name.
The relation of these jihadists to Islam is as twisted as Stalin's to Marx, or the gulag's to the liberation of the masses, but the draw of absolutism has not abated.
The problem with liberal societies is that they are as dull as they are successful. The mortgage, the tax man, the lobbyist and the vote leave a thirsting. Revolutions are made for freedom, but its exercise is mundane, which can be intolerable. Only the terrorized - from East Berlin or Baghdad - understand that "Give me normality" is a rousing cry. For a Pole, the absence of drama feels like paradise.
But history lurches and will not pause. Its strangeness prompts some to believe there must be a hidden hand. Conspiracy theory is the refuge of the feeble-minded, but that has not stopped it becoming rampant in an age where every voice has a digital loudspeaker.
Americans and Canadians training young Afghan recruits near Soviet junkyards in a faraway land must be the work of someone, a plot of international speculators, or perhaps the Mossad agents who, for the conspiracy-minded, planned 9/11!
Most of life, however, is unplanned. It's banal and capricious, a frustration to any puppet master - which does not make it any less precious, of course, or fragile.
At Kandahar airport, I overhead two U.S. soldiers:
"I don't wanna die," the first said.
"Yeah, that's the reason."
"Keep your head down."
They parted. Their words stayed with me. I've been thinking of them and other U.S. servicemen and women in this holiday season. What we all want is pretty simple. Home about sums it up.
I boarded a U.S. military flight to Kabul and some special-forces guys - no uniforms, sniper-scopes on their assault rifles - got on board, too. One sat next to me. I asked: "What's your line of business?"
"Oh, doing some private work for the government but it would be too long a story to tell you."
I nodded. He was from Perth, Australia: a long story, indeed. Perhaps he'd been out in the badlands on the Afghan-Pakistani border battling the Taliban, or down in the southwest, where the Iranian border area is said to be full of guys without uniforms.
Afghanistan, like Poland, is still a small country flanked by larger ones. Unlike Poland, it has not found the means to contain those larger countries' interests. The Great Game goes on.
Its continuation may suggest nothing changes, or only changes to stay the same. But that would be a pessimistic view. On a train the other day, gliding through the mists of Belgium along pale lines of poplar trees, I thought of the slaughter at Passchendaele just 90 years ago. We forget too many miracles, European peace among them.
More recently, there was the Passchendaele-like slaughter of the Iran-Iraq war, with its one million dead for nothing, its Cold-War fog and its Cold-War maneuvers. Openness is advancing, even in the Middle East. This is the age of empowerment. The back-to-the-Caliphate boys cannot resist it. Their own junkyard awaits them.
By Roger Cohen
Wednesday, December 26, 2007
On the outskirts of Kandahar in southern Afghanistan there's a modest junkyard of the Soviet empire. It's filled with the hulls of T-55 and T-62 tanks and the tubes of multiple rocket launchers. Some of the tanks are intact. I guess high-explosive anti-tank missiles penetrated the turrets and coated the interior of the steel shells with blood.
I drove past this memorial to imperial hubris a couple of months ago on my way to a base of the nascent U.S.-trained Afghan Army. The army needs money; it might sell those metal carcasses for scrap. Why not? The detritus of human events, and their constant ebb and flow, turn the head.
Military guys deal in worst-case scenarios. But no Soviet-era planner of the 1979 invasion could have imagined being humbled in the Hindu Kush by a bunch of Islamic holy warriors; and no American cold warrior could have imagined those CIA-funded Islamists turning on the United States and bringing down the Twin Towers in 2001.
Yet all of this happened. Just as it happened that the Soviets were once our allies and Communists from central Asia raised the hammer-and-sickle on the Reichstag as Hitler's Germany burned in 1945.
And then, almost at once, the Soviets became our enemies while the Japanese, despite Pearl Harbor, became our friends. And at last, the Soviets became Russians who were no longer enemies but rivals.
The mantle of enemy passed with the Cold War's end. It went to purveyors of another totalitarianism, haters of modernity, atavistic murderers of unbelievers (and their own), fanatics for whom free will and sexuality are so intolerable that a savage God must be raised up to suppress them in jihad's name.
The relation of these jihadists to Islam is as twisted as Stalin's to Marx, or the gulag's to the liberation of the masses, but the draw of absolutism has not abated.
The problem with liberal societies is that they are as dull as they are successful. The mortgage, the tax man, the lobbyist and the vote leave a thirsting. Revolutions are made for freedom, but its exercise is mundane, which can be intolerable. Only the terrorized - from East Berlin or Baghdad - understand that "Give me normality" is a rousing cry. For a Pole, the absence of drama feels like paradise.
But history lurches and will not pause. Its strangeness prompts some to believe there must be a hidden hand. Conspiracy theory is the refuge of the feeble-minded, but that has not stopped it becoming rampant in an age where every voice has a digital loudspeaker.
Americans and Canadians training young Afghan recruits near Soviet junkyards in a faraway land must be the work of someone, a plot of international speculators, or perhaps the Mossad agents who, for the conspiracy-minded, planned 9/11!
Most of life, however, is unplanned. It's banal and capricious, a frustration to any puppet master - which does not make it any less precious, of course, or fragile.
At Kandahar airport, I overhead two U.S. soldiers:
"I don't wanna die," the first said.
"Yeah, that's the reason."
"Keep your head down."
They parted. Their words stayed with me. I've been thinking of them and other U.S. servicemen and women in this holiday season. What we all want is pretty simple. Home about sums it up.
I boarded a U.S. military flight to Kabul and some special-forces guys - no uniforms, sniper-scopes on their assault rifles - got on board, too. One sat next to me. I asked: "What's your line of business?"
"Oh, doing some private work for the government but it would be too long a story to tell you."
I nodded. He was from Perth, Australia: a long story, indeed. Perhaps he'd been out in the badlands on the Afghan-Pakistani border battling the Taliban, or down in the southwest, where the Iranian border area is said to be full of guys without uniforms.
Afghanistan, like Poland, is still a small country flanked by larger ones. Unlike Poland, it has not found the means to contain those larger countries' interests. The Great Game goes on.
Its continuation may suggest nothing changes, or only changes to stay the same. But that would be a pessimistic view. On a train the other day, gliding through the mists of Belgium along pale lines of poplar trees, I thought of the slaughter at Passchendaele just 90 years ago. We forget too many miracles, European peace among them.
More recently, there was the Passchendaele-like slaughter of the Iran-Iraq war, with its one million dead for nothing, its Cold-War fog and its Cold-War maneuvers. Openness is advancing, even in the Middle East. This is the age of empowerment. The back-to-the-Caliphate boys cannot resist it. Their own junkyard awaits them.
A global trek to poor nations, from poorer ones Jason Deparle Thursday, December 27, 2007 c/o IHT
A global trek to poor nations, from poorer ones
By Jason Deparle
Thursday, December 27, 2007
JUAN GÓMEZ, Dominican Republic: The scrap-wood shanties on a muddy hillside are a poor man's promised land.
They have leaky roofs and dirt floors, with no lights or running water. But hundreds of Haitian migrants have risked their lives to come here and work the surrounding fields, and they are part of a global trend: migrants who move to poor countries from even poorer ones.
Among them is Anes Moises, 45, a dark-skinned man with flecks of gray hair, who has worked the Dominican banana fields for more than a decade, always illegally. Farm bosses pay him $5 a day and tell him that Haitians stink. Soldiers have called him a dark-skinned "devil" and deported him four times.
Still, with the average income in the Dominican Republic six times as much as in Haiti, Moises has answered each expulsion by hiring a smuggler to bribe the border guards and guide him back in.
"We are forced to come back here — not because we like it, but because we are poor," he said. "When we cross the border, we are a little better off. We are able to buy shoes and maybe a chicken."
Across the developing world, migrants move to other poor countries nearly as often as they move to rich ones. Yet their numbers and hardships are often overlooked.
They typically start poorer than migrants to rich countries, earn less money and are more likely to travel illegally, which raises the odds of abuse. They move to countries that offer migrants less legal protection and fewer services than wealthy nations do. Yet their earnings help sustain some of the poorest people on the globe.
There are 74 million "south to south" migrants, according to the World Bank, which uses the term to describe anyone moving from one developing country to another, regardless of geography. The bank estimates that they send home $18 billion to $55 billion a year. (The bank also estimates that 82 million migrants have moved "south to north," or from poor countries to rich ones.)
Nicaraguans build Costa Rican buildings. Paraguayans pick Argentine crops. Nepalis dig Indian mines. Indonesians clean Malaysian homes. Farm hands from Burkina Faso tend the fields in Ivory Coast. Some save for more expensive journeys north, while others find the move from one poor land to another all they will ever afford. With rich countries tightening their borders, migration within the developing world is likely to grow.
"South to south migration is not only huge, it reaches a different class of people," said Patricia Weiss Fagen, a researcher at Georgetown University. "These are very, very poor people sending money to even poorer people and they often reach very rural areas where most remittances don't go."
The Haitian migration to the Dominican Republic, its neighbor on the island of Hispaniola, has been large, longstanding and filled with strife. The Spanish-speaking Dominicans still refer angrily to a Haitian occupation that ended in 1844. The Creole-speaking Haitians point to 1937, when a Dominican massacre along the border is estimated to have taken the lives of tens of thousands of Haitians.
Haitian workers started coming in large numbers nearly a century ago, as seasonal help in sugar cane fields. But many now work year-round on farms or urban construction sites, which raises their visibility and the chance for conflict. Estimates vary greatly, but Dominican officials put Haitian migrants at one million, or 11 percent of the population.
As Haitians see it, the problems go beyond hard work and low pay to the systemic violation of their rights. Dominicans profit from their labor, they say, but deny them work papers, deport them at will and discriminate on the belief that Haitians have darker skin.
"There is no justice here," Moises said.
Dominicans often present themselves as generous neighbors of limited means, forced to bear the burden of Haiti's failed state, indigence and epidemic disease. They say they offer Haitians jobs and health care — 30 percent of the public health budget is spent on Haitians, government officials say — while enduring lectures about human rights from countries far from the fray.
"Ay-yai-yai-yai," said General Adriano Silverio Rodríguez, the commander of a new border force, when describing how Americans would respond if they shared a border with a country as troubled as Haiti. "That wall they're building — it would be longer and taller."
Per capita income in the Dominican Republic is $2,850; in Haiti it is $480.
The clash of civilizations can be seen along the Massacre River, a muddy, waist-deep waterway that divides them. On the Dominican side, Dajabón is a market town of 10,000 people, with paved streets, public utilities and a new Internet café. Its Haitian counterpart, Ouanaminthe, is seven or eight times as big, with no municipal lights or running water. The dirt roads are strewn with trash and pigs.
Twice a week, Dominicans open the bridge, and thousands of Haitians rush across to buy goods that are scarce on their side: eggs, nails, flour, concrete, carrots, salami, juice, cooking oil, chickens and plastic chairs. Guards patrol the area, trying to ensure the Haitians' return.
Bribery and violence are common. In a case now before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Dominican soldiers are accused of indiscriminately firing on a smuggler's truck, killing six Haitians. Two dozen Haitians in a smuggler's truck suffocated last year. Their bodies were dumped on the road.
Unwritten Rules
The village of Juan Gómez lies 35 miles east of the border, past three military checkpoints that search for illegal migrants. But its illegal migrants, like Moises, live in plain view. Their open presence points to the capricious unwritten rules: Haitians caught at the border are usually sent back, while those needed by employers are often left to stay, at least until someone objects.
"We do not intervene in the workplace," said Carlos Amarante Baret, the Dominican immigration director. "We understand the needs of the agricultural sector." He acknowledged that the situation "benefits the landowner."
Gathered here at a small hilltop church squeezed among the shanties, the workers talked of the hardships they had fled and those they had encountered. Jacqueline Bayard said the threat of deportation left the workers powerless. Katline Auguste said the lack of legal papers had kept her from visiting her children in Haiti for three years.
Lorvil Seus said he lived in fear of vigilante violence, as in a famed incident in nearby Hatillo Palma, in which a Haitian pastor was killed — and 2,000 Haitians deported — after the murder of a Dominican woman. Reprisal killings spread, and three Haitians were burned to death near the capital, Santo Domingo.
Moises voiced gratitude as well as complaints, explaining that he had once walked from Haiti with his malarial daughter in his arms, and Dominican doctors had saved her. "We can only thank them because they helped us," he said.
Dominican society, in his view, is complex. Some politicians want Haitians deported, he said, but employers "need us to work." Poor Dominicans claim Haitians are stealing jobs, but refuse those jobs themselves. Officers sometimes order raids to curry political favor, he added, but low-paid soldiers want the Haitians around to extort bribes. "It's a business they have," he said.
"We are living in their country," he said. "We have to take it."
Colliding Interests
Dominican officials often say that the colliding interests that surround immigration are similar to those in the United States, but that poor countries like theirs have fewer resources to cope Carlos Morales Troncoso, the Dominican foreign minister, said that the solution to the Haitians' problems was to promote development in Haiti and that the United States had to do more. "The developed countries talk a lot about Haiti, but the necessary aid just doesn't come," he said. By providing jobs, he said, "we do more than the whole international community combined."
Some south to south migrants are "pushed" by wars and political crises. Others are "pulled" by jobs and better wages. Some follow seasonal work. Some put down roots. Some countries — Argentina is one — have been quick to give amnesty to migrants. Others, including Nigeria and Indonesia, have subjected them to mass deportations.
Many countries simultaneously send and receive large migrations. One reason there are jobs for Haitians is that so many Dominicans have left for the United States. The president, Leonel Fernández, was largely reared in New York City.
That exposes what Dilip Ratha, an economist at the World Bank, calls a common double standard. "Many countries want good treatment for their own people abroad but they don't treat immigrants well themselves," he said.
Egyptian police officers An Indian film star, Hritik Roshan, set off a deadly riot in Katmandu, Nepal, in 2000 when he was quoted as saying he "hated" the Nepalis. Costa Ricans sometimes deride Nicaraguans as "Nicas." In 2005, two Rottweilers killed a Nicaraguan suspected of being a burglar, as an approving crowd watched. Jokes flooded the country, praising the dogs.
Still, Manuel Orozco of Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington research group, warned against viewing south to south migration solely in a negative light. He estimates that Haitians in the Dominican Republic send home $135 million a year.
"Destination countries benefit from foreign labor," Orozco said, while migrants get jobs. The challenge, he said, is to create policies that "promote development for both countries, while protecting migrants and their families."
"Just letting migration happen is not good enough," he added.
The Dominican Republic has no such framework. This year alone, the conditions of its Haitians have been the focus of two documentary films, a photo exhibit in Paris and a United Nations investigation that found "a profound and entrenched problem of racism."
Who Is a Citizen?
One battle now playing out involves the right to citizenship, which the Dominican Constitution promises to anyone born on Dominican soil except the children of diplomats and visitors "in transit." But in 2005 the Supreme Court ruled that illegal immigrants were essentially in transit and therefore their children had no citizenship rights, though in many cases these families have lived in the country for decades.
Critics say that the ruling conflicts with international law, including a ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights two months earlier, and that the government is using it to deny papers to Dominicans of Haitian descent, impeding their ability to work, study and vote.
Nationalists are trying to get the anti-citizenship provisions written into the Constitution.
"We could have hundreds of thousands of so-called Dominican nationals who on cultural, emotional and political grounds would see themselves as Haitian," said Pelegrín Castillo, a leading nationalist legislator.
"Every day there are more Haitians in the Dominican Republic," he added. "We are overwhelmed."
For many Haitians, the journey ends where it began — in the muddy border town of Ouanaminthe, which receives scores of deported migrants each week. Most arrive penniless. Some sleep in City Hall.
Wesbert Sertil, 27, was among the unfortunates. Tired of hearing his in-laws complain that he could not feed his children, he borrowed $50 a year ago and boarded a smuggler's truck. But the construction work he found was sporadic, and he sent money home just twice, totaling $90.
He was leaving work one day when military men asked for his papers. After a few days in a border-town jail, he was sleeping in abandoned houses, and asking a religious group for food.
His village was an eight-hour bus ride away, and the family that had urged him to go was unaware of his pending return. Smugglers approached him on the streets, but Sertil planned to use any money he could scrounge to buy a ticket home. "I got desperate and went to the Dominican Republic," he said. "I'm not going back again."
He noted that there were plenty of Haitians willing to take his place.
By Jason Deparle
Thursday, December 27, 2007
JUAN GÓMEZ, Dominican Republic: The scrap-wood shanties on a muddy hillside are a poor man's promised land.
They have leaky roofs and dirt floors, with no lights or running water. But hundreds of Haitian migrants have risked their lives to come here and work the surrounding fields, and they are part of a global trend: migrants who move to poor countries from even poorer ones.
Among them is Anes Moises, 45, a dark-skinned man with flecks of gray hair, who has worked the Dominican banana fields for more than a decade, always illegally. Farm bosses pay him $5 a day and tell him that Haitians stink. Soldiers have called him a dark-skinned "devil" and deported him four times.
Still, with the average income in the Dominican Republic six times as much as in Haiti, Moises has answered each expulsion by hiring a smuggler to bribe the border guards and guide him back in.
"We are forced to come back here — not because we like it, but because we are poor," he said. "When we cross the border, we are a little better off. We are able to buy shoes and maybe a chicken."
Across the developing world, migrants move to other poor countries nearly as often as they move to rich ones. Yet their numbers and hardships are often overlooked.
They typically start poorer than migrants to rich countries, earn less money and are more likely to travel illegally, which raises the odds of abuse. They move to countries that offer migrants less legal protection and fewer services than wealthy nations do. Yet their earnings help sustain some of the poorest people on the globe.
There are 74 million "south to south" migrants, according to the World Bank, which uses the term to describe anyone moving from one developing country to another, regardless of geography. The bank estimates that they send home $18 billion to $55 billion a year. (The bank also estimates that 82 million migrants have moved "south to north," or from poor countries to rich ones.)
Nicaraguans build Costa Rican buildings. Paraguayans pick Argentine crops. Nepalis dig Indian mines. Indonesians clean Malaysian homes. Farm hands from Burkina Faso tend the fields in Ivory Coast. Some save for more expensive journeys north, while others find the move from one poor land to another all they will ever afford. With rich countries tightening their borders, migration within the developing world is likely to grow.
"South to south migration is not only huge, it reaches a different class of people," said Patricia Weiss Fagen, a researcher at Georgetown University. "These are very, very poor people sending money to even poorer people and they often reach very rural areas where most remittances don't go."
The Haitian migration to the Dominican Republic, its neighbor on the island of Hispaniola, has been large, longstanding and filled with strife. The Spanish-speaking Dominicans still refer angrily to a Haitian occupation that ended in 1844. The Creole-speaking Haitians point to 1937, when a Dominican massacre along the border is estimated to have taken the lives of tens of thousands of Haitians.
Haitian workers started coming in large numbers nearly a century ago, as seasonal help in sugar cane fields. But many now work year-round on farms or urban construction sites, which raises their visibility and the chance for conflict. Estimates vary greatly, but Dominican officials put Haitian migrants at one million, or 11 percent of the population.
As Haitians see it, the problems go beyond hard work and low pay to the systemic violation of their rights. Dominicans profit from their labor, they say, but deny them work papers, deport them at will and discriminate on the belief that Haitians have darker skin.
"There is no justice here," Moises said.
Dominicans often present themselves as generous neighbors of limited means, forced to bear the burden of Haiti's failed state, indigence and epidemic disease. They say they offer Haitians jobs and health care — 30 percent of the public health budget is spent on Haitians, government officials say — while enduring lectures about human rights from countries far from the fray.
"Ay-yai-yai-yai," said General Adriano Silverio Rodríguez, the commander of a new border force, when describing how Americans would respond if they shared a border with a country as troubled as Haiti. "That wall they're building — it would be longer and taller."
Per capita income in the Dominican Republic is $2,850; in Haiti it is $480.
The clash of civilizations can be seen along the Massacre River, a muddy, waist-deep waterway that divides them. On the Dominican side, Dajabón is a market town of 10,000 people, with paved streets, public utilities and a new Internet café. Its Haitian counterpart, Ouanaminthe, is seven or eight times as big, with no municipal lights or running water. The dirt roads are strewn with trash and pigs.
Twice a week, Dominicans open the bridge, and thousands of Haitians rush across to buy goods that are scarce on their side: eggs, nails, flour, concrete, carrots, salami, juice, cooking oil, chickens and plastic chairs. Guards patrol the area, trying to ensure the Haitians' return.
Bribery and violence are common. In a case now before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Dominican soldiers are accused of indiscriminately firing on a smuggler's truck, killing six Haitians. Two dozen Haitians in a smuggler's truck suffocated last year. Their bodies were dumped on the road.
Unwritten Rules
The village of Juan Gómez lies 35 miles east of the border, past three military checkpoints that search for illegal migrants. But its illegal migrants, like Moises, live in plain view. Their open presence points to the capricious unwritten rules: Haitians caught at the border are usually sent back, while those needed by employers are often left to stay, at least until someone objects.
"We do not intervene in the workplace," said Carlos Amarante Baret, the Dominican immigration director. "We understand the needs of the agricultural sector." He acknowledged that the situation "benefits the landowner."
Gathered here at a small hilltop church squeezed among the shanties, the workers talked of the hardships they had fled and those they had encountered. Jacqueline Bayard said the threat of deportation left the workers powerless. Katline Auguste said the lack of legal papers had kept her from visiting her children in Haiti for three years.
Lorvil Seus said he lived in fear of vigilante violence, as in a famed incident in nearby Hatillo Palma, in which a Haitian pastor was killed — and 2,000 Haitians deported — after the murder of a Dominican woman. Reprisal killings spread, and three Haitians were burned to death near the capital, Santo Domingo.
Moises voiced gratitude as well as complaints, explaining that he had once walked from Haiti with his malarial daughter in his arms, and Dominican doctors had saved her. "We can only thank them because they helped us," he said.
Dominican society, in his view, is complex. Some politicians want Haitians deported, he said, but employers "need us to work." Poor Dominicans claim Haitians are stealing jobs, but refuse those jobs themselves. Officers sometimes order raids to curry political favor, he added, but low-paid soldiers want the Haitians around to extort bribes. "It's a business they have," he said.
"We are living in their country," he said. "We have to take it."
Colliding Interests
Dominican officials often say that the colliding interests that surround immigration are similar to those in the United States, but that poor countries like theirs have fewer resources to cope Carlos Morales Troncoso, the Dominican foreign minister, said that the solution to the Haitians' problems was to promote development in Haiti and that the United States had to do more. "The developed countries talk a lot about Haiti, but the necessary aid just doesn't come," he said. By providing jobs, he said, "we do more than the whole international community combined."
Some south to south migrants are "pushed" by wars and political crises. Others are "pulled" by jobs and better wages. Some follow seasonal work. Some put down roots. Some countries — Argentina is one — have been quick to give amnesty to migrants. Others, including Nigeria and Indonesia, have subjected them to mass deportations.
Many countries simultaneously send and receive large migrations. One reason there are jobs for Haitians is that so many Dominicans have left for the United States. The president, Leonel Fernández, was largely reared in New York City.
That exposes what Dilip Ratha, an economist at the World Bank, calls a common double standard. "Many countries want good treatment for their own people abroad but they don't treat immigrants well themselves," he said.
Egyptian police officers An Indian film star, Hritik Roshan, set off a deadly riot in Katmandu, Nepal, in 2000 when he was quoted as saying he "hated" the Nepalis. Costa Ricans sometimes deride Nicaraguans as "Nicas." In 2005, two Rottweilers killed a Nicaraguan suspected of being a burglar, as an approving crowd watched. Jokes flooded the country, praising the dogs.
Still, Manuel Orozco of Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington research group, warned against viewing south to south migration solely in a negative light. He estimates that Haitians in the Dominican Republic send home $135 million a year.
"Destination countries benefit from foreign labor," Orozco said, while migrants get jobs. The challenge, he said, is to create policies that "promote development for both countries, while protecting migrants and their families."
"Just letting migration happen is not good enough," he added.
The Dominican Republic has no such framework. This year alone, the conditions of its Haitians have been the focus of two documentary films, a photo exhibit in Paris and a United Nations investigation that found "a profound and entrenched problem of racism."
Who Is a Citizen?
One battle now playing out involves the right to citizenship, which the Dominican Constitution promises to anyone born on Dominican soil except the children of diplomats and visitors "in transit." But in 2005 the Supreme Court ruled that illegal immigrants were essentially in transit and therefore their children had no citizenship rights, though in many cases these families have lived in the country for decades.
Critics say that the ruling conflicts with international law, including a ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights two months earlier, and that the government is using it to deny papers to Dominicans of Haitian descent, impeding their ability to work, study and vote.
Nationalists are trying to get the anti-citizenship provisions written into the Constitution.
"We could have hundreds of thousands of so-called Dominican nationals who on cultural, emotional and political grounds would see themselves as Haitian," said Pelegrín Castillo, a leading nationalist legislator.
"Every day there are more Haitians in the Dominican Republic," he added. "We are overwhelmed."
For many Haitians, the journey ends where it began — in the muddy border town of Ouanaminthe, which receives scores of deported migrants each week. Most arrive penniless. Some sleep in City Hall.
Wesbert Sertil, 27, was among the unfortunates. Tired of hearing his in-laws complain that he could not feed his children, he borrowed $50 a year ago and boarded a smuggler's truck. But the construction work he found was sporadic, and he sent money home just twice, totaling $90.
He was leaving work one day when military men asked for his papers. After a few days in a border-town jail, he was sleeping in abandoned houses, and asking a religious group for food.
His village was an eight-hour bus ride away, and the family that had urged him to go was unaware of his pending return. Smugglers approached him on the streets, but Sertil planned to use any money he could scrounge to buy a ticket home. "I got desperate and went to the Dominican Republic," he said. "I'm not going back again."
He noted that there were plenty of Haitians willing to take his place.
Tuesday, 25 December 2007
Church leader's 'recycle' message Reverend John Owen c/o The BBC's Christmas Message series 2007
Church leader's 'recycle' message
A church leader has called on people to think of the environment this festive season by recycling leftover food and unwanted Christmas presents.
The Reverend John Owen, leader of the Presbyterian Church of Wales, said "the nativity had a minimal effect on the environment".
He added that everyone should remember their "duty to the planet".
Meanwhile, the head of non-conformist chapels in Wales said the idea of making Christmas secular was "foolish".
Mr Owen, who is Moderator of Presbyterian Church of Wales for 2007-08, welcomed the Bali agreement on tackling climate change signed by world leaders.
He said: "Yet this does not mean that we as individuals should rely on our governments to save the planet.
"Rather, we should redouble our efforts to take action and campaign against climate change.
"Over the festive period, when we focus on celebrating Jesus's coming, we should remember our duty towards our planet by recycling and trying to avoid food waste.
Nobel Peace Prize
"Even unwanted presents can be recycled and put to good use through, for example, charity shops and freecycle schemes."
Mr Owen, from Ruthin in Denbighshire, said he wanted to remind people in Wales that "people in developing countries suffer because we draw excessively on the world's resources".
One of the elders of the church is Sir John Houghton, the former head of the Meteorological Office and member of the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), who was born in Dyserth in Denbighshire and now lives in Aberdyfi, Gwynedd.
Sir John and the IPCC team shared the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize with former US vice president Al Gore for their work on tackling climate change.
Meanwhile, the leader of Union of Welsh Independent Churches said although Christmas was an event on the Christian calendar "it tends to embrace others".
'Football'
Dr Geraint Tudur, the union's general secretary, said it was "nonsense" to say that "doing away with the religious dimension will bring people together".
He said: "People have been coming together over Christmas for centuries, despite their differences.
"Even where there are religious differences, friendship can be seen trying to close the gap that keeps people apart.
"We all remember the story about British and German soldiers leaving their trenches in the middle of the Great War to play football and enjoy each other's company for a few hours.
"And when was that? On Christmas Day, which shows the spirit of the festival."
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/wales/7158431.stm
Published: 2007/12/24 08:54:07 GMT
© BBC MMVII
A church leader has called on people to think of the environment this festive season by recycling leftover food and unwanted Christmas presents.
The Reverend John Owen, leader of the Presbyterian Church of Wales, said "the nativity had a minimal effect on the environment".
He added that everyone should remember their "duty to the planet".
Meanwhile, the head of non-conformist chapels in Wales said the idea of making Christmas secular was "foolish".
Mr Owen, who is Moderator of Presbyterian Church of Wales for 2007-08, welcomed the Bali agreement on tackling climate change signed by world leaders.
He said: "Yet this does not mean that we as individuals should rely on our governments to save the planet.
"Rather, we should redouble our efforts to take action and campaign against climate change.
"Over the festive period, when we focus on celebrating Jesus's coming, we should remember our duty towards our planet by recycling and trying to avoid food waste.
Nobel Peace Prize
"Even unwanted presents can be recycled and put to good use through, for example, charity shops and freecycle schemes."
Mr Owen, from Ruthin in Denbighshire, said he wanted to remind people in Wales that "people in developing countries suffer because we draw excessively on the world's resources".
One of the elders of the church is Sir John Houghton, the former head of the Meteorological Office and member of the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), who was born in Dyserth in Denbighshire and now lives in Aberdyfi, Gwynedd.
Sir John and the IPCC team shared the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize with former US vice president Al Gore for their work on tackling climate change.
Meanwhile, the leader of Union of Welsh Independent Churches said although Christmas was an event on the Christian calendar "it tends to embrace others".
'Football'
Dr Geraint Tudur, the union's general secretary, said it was "nonsense" to say that "doing away with the religious dimension will bring people together".
He said: "People have been coming together over Christmas for centuries, despite their differences.
"Even where there are religious differences, friendship can be seen trying to close the gap that keeps people apart.
"We all remember the story about British and German soldiers leaving their trenches in the middle of the Great War to play football and enjoy each other's company for a few hours.
"And when was that? On Christmas Day, which shows the spirit of the festival."
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/wales/7158431.stm
Published: 2007/12/24 08:54:07 GMT
© BBC MMVII
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
